Dominican Republic to be 'Socially Cleaned' in today

He deflects a lot.

Inside of address the impacts of the new laws, he just talks about America

When he has to address the killing of Haitian people he says "there is violence all over the world"

He makes some valid points is the failings of the Haitian government, and how the DR helped Hati, but it comes to tackling the new laws and the violence. The exact things that are causes more people (cause lets keep #100, the DR had its racist reputation long before this) to call Dominicans racist, doesn't address them straight on, he deflects to talking about America or the rest of the world.

He is quick to try to expose the hypocrisy in everyone that criticizes the DR, but doesn't waste a second to address the hypocrisy that Dominicans may have.
 
Buuut...he was born in raised in DR before he came to the US and he's educated before he started doing vids fulltime. So he can speak on this topic since he's seen both sides of the coin unlike ninjahood b. Where's the biased ignorance in the video? Like y'all don't clap ya hands when ya'll trying to get your point across FOH
laugh.gif
Who is yall?

I'm a grown *** man lil new generation chumps be on dat hand clapping feminine emotional BS with the skinny jeans and fat hightop sneakers
roll.gif
 

Soft sugary *** generation
 
He deflects a lot.

Inside of address the impacts of the new laws, he just talks about America

When he has to address the killing of Haitian people he says "there is violence all over the world"

He makes some valid points is the failings of the Haitian government, and how the DR helped Hati, but it comes to tackling the new laws and the violence. The exact things that are causes more people (cause lets keep #100, the DR had its racist reputation long before this) to call Dominicans racist, doesn't address them straight on, he deflects to talking about America or the rest of the world.

He is quick to try to expose the hypocrisy in everyone that criticizes the DR, but doesn't waste a second to address the hypocrisy that Dominicans may have.

I'm sure the guy in the video knows about the times of Trujillo and the ugly things he's done, but I felt he nailed it with the topic at hand. The point where he mentions other countries is that a poor country cannot help another country like richer countries do. There's only so much they can do. And there is violence all over the world though, not too long ago 9 people got killed. Some dude in France got beheaded..the list goes on. Violence is preventable IMO but cannot be stopped.
 
Is like a killer passing judgement on a thief, what moral grounds can any nation stand on, calling to boycott a nation that relies on tourism, like what is that supposed to do?...is that supposed to help Haitians in any way?

Yeah he deflects, but we can't ignore the truths he spits.
 
Buuut...he was born in raised in DR before he came to the US and he's educated before he started doing vids fulltime. So he can speak on this topic since he's seen both sides of the coin unlike ninjahood b. Where's the biased ignorance in the video? Like y'all don't clap ya hands when ya'll trying to get your point across FOH :lol:
Who is yall?
I'm a grown *** man lil new generation chumps be on dat hand clapping feminine emotional BS with the skinny jeans and fat hightop sneakers:rofl:  
Soft sugary *** generation

*looks at avy*

obama-pointing-finger.jpg


shrug well studies do show sugar is bad for you...

"Across cultures, darker people suffer most. Why?"

- Andre Lauren Benjamin / Andre 3000


yup
 
PR just declared bankruptcy, does that mean they can kick out all the Dominicans and retroactively change immigration laws to strip some people of their citizenship

I mean, you can't expect a poor country to take on the problem of another poor country :D
 
I think Latinos will look other Latinos out.

If you're truly Latino/Hispanic of course.

Doubt it, what does either island have to offer, both are poor and can't take on anymore poor ppl. PR is trying to file bankruptcy, there are no jobs, there are no jobs in the DR, where are they gon go......here I guess.
 
Doubt it, what does either island have to offer, both are poor and can't take on anymore poor ppl. PR is trying to file bankruptcy, there are no jobs, there are no jobs in the DR, where are they gon go......here I guess.
They gonna head to Miami as usual 
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We're welcome everywhere b. :smokin

Our presence is charity.


idk why i thought u were some white guy from jersey...who just happen to be about that ej boxer life. maybe its cuz i just moved out of asbury park and worked around central jersey...extra white. so i just assumed lol.




PR can take my $$, i can't wait to go back there for vacation
 
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PR just declared bankruptcy, does that mean they can kick out all the Dominicans and retroactively change immigration laws to strip some people of their citizenship

I mean, you can't expect a poor country to take on the problem of another poor country :D

yes they can....

However DR isn't doing anything retroactively, I poste an article about it earlier.
 
 
We're welcome everywhere b. :smokin


Our presence is charity.



idk why i thought u were some white guy from jersey...who just happen to be about that ej boxer life. maybe its cuz i just moved out of asbury park and worked around central jersey...extra white. so i just assumed lol.





PR can take my $$, i can't wait to go back there for vacation


I've been saying I was Hispanic from the get :lol:

But u never said u were Latino :wink:
 
This is very much pertaining to this thread and the various topics of discussion. Meth has removed me from threads due to posting pictures I felt were related to the topic.

Haven't dropped one in a while.
Waiiit wha????

Why are you posting selfies in this topic?????
 
Never got the point of editing out selfies like that.

Like bruh, I still can see your face!
 
The Dominican Time Bomb

In early 2006, my first long-term overseas posting as a journalist took me to the Dominican Republic. From my new home in Santo Domingo, I planned to write about tourism, baseball, corruption and drug trafficking, while working on my Spanish. If things went well, I figured, I might even get to cross the island of Hispaniola’s international border, into Haiti, whose chronic crises — including a recent coup d’état that had overthrown the president — drew more international interest.

To my surprise, I arrived in the midst of a crisis of the Dominicans’ own. Two dozen Haitian immigrants had suffocated in the back of a van headed toward Santo Domingo. Each year, thousands of Haitians venture east into the Dominican Republic in search of low-wage jobs in agriculture and construction and at the big all-inclusive resorts. The 69 migrants in the van paid about $70 each to be stuffed in like cattle, with no room to breathe. Dominican police officers learned of their deaths when the drivers began throwing bodies out of the van as it sped down the highway.

A couple of weeks after the van tragedy, with tensions over immigration running high, people in a central Dominican town burned the homes of Haitians and Dominican-born people of Haitian descent (the Dominican media and politicians tend to lump the two groups together, simply referring to both as haitianos). The arsonists were set off by rumors — never proven true — that a haitiano had raped a little girl. A major local paper headlined its story, “In Monte de la Jagua, They Don’t Want Haitianos.” The next day’s headline was more ominous: “Haitianos Disappear.” When I called the national police chief for comment, he wondered aloud if the victims had burned their own homes in preparation for leaving the country.

Like so many visitors to the Dominican Republic before and since, I saw a deep vein of racism and xenophobia that a world more interested in the country’s beaches and ballplayers generally prefers to ignore. That changed last month, when news spread of the Caribbean nation’s plan to expel hundreds of thousands of residents of Haitian descent. In broad daylight, the Dominican military showed off buses to transport the deportees; “processing centers” awaited exiles at the border.

“How is this possible?” tweeted the American antiracism activists at Dream Defenders. But for those who know the Dominican Republic well, the impending forced exodus seemed like the logical culmination of decades of hate: a long-ticking time bomb finally poised to go off.

After a raft of criticism from the United States and elsewhere — demands for a reprieve from Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the United Nations high commissioner for refugees; protesters at Dominican government offices in Miami, New York, Washington and elsewhere carrying signs saying “Black Lives Matter” and “Stop Ethnic Cleansing”; a White House petition to pressure the Dominican government that has attracted 50,000 signatures so far — Dominican leaders reacted with denial. “We’re not going to accept false accusations of racism or xenophobia, which are baseless in a country that has been defined for centuries by the blending of cultures,” President Danilo Medina told Agence France-Presse during a summit last week in Guatemala.

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But the intensity of the hatred and violence long directed against Haitian immigrants and Dominicans of Haitian descent in Medina’s country — and against anyone black enough to be confused for either — is staggering, like something out of Mississippi in the 1890s, or Europe before World War II. In February, a Haitian shoe-shiner was lynched and hanged from a tree in a public park in the nation’s second-largest city, Santiago, while a crowd across town burned Haitian flags and chanted: “Haitians out! If it’s war they want, it’s war they’ll get!” Other victims identified as haitianos have been lynched in the past year for alleged infractions such as robbing a convenience store and burning a Dominican flag. Dominican newspapers are filled with cartoons depicting people of Haitian descent as bug-eyed, big-lipped golliwogs babbling Spanish in heavy dialect. When I lived in Santo Domingo, there were bars that openly denied entry to blacks, a practice that apparently persists.

On the most basic level, the ethnic friction in the Dominican Republic resembles the situation in borderlands around the world, from the Strait of Malacca to the Rio Grande: People from a poorer country go to a richer country in search of jobs and better lives, only to be used there as cheap labor. Nationalists and industrialists in the rich country exploit the resentment of the local working class, bound up with prejudices over race, culture and language, for their own financial and political gain. Vinicio Castillo Semán, a congressman from the ultra-right-wing National Progressive Force who is known as Vinchito, blames his country’s poverty on a “massive and uncontrolled Haitian invasion,” supported by a Dominican “fifth column” and bent on taking over the country. (His brother and fellow party member Pelegrín Castillo Semán is Medina’s former minister of energy and mines.)

But it’s not just a question of economics. Today the Dominican Republic is better off than Haiti, but the two countries had roughly the same levels of per-capita income in 1937, when tens of thousands of Haitians and black Dominicans were murdered on the orders of the Dominican Republic’s dictator, Rafael Trujillo — a massacre known by many today as El Corte (“The Cutting”). Nor is it a conflict between two nations. More than 200,000 of the haitianos slated for expulsion were born in the Dominican Republic. Many of the approximately 450,000 others have lived nearly all their lives in the country and have tenuous ties to Haiti at best. I recently talked to John Presime, a 23-year-old Internet-cafe owner on the northern Dominican coast. Born in a shantytown in Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince, he has lived in the Dominican Republic since he was 11. His 1-year-old daughter was born there. “If she is a foreigner, then where is she from?” he asked.

Rather than economics, it is a classic case of what Sigmund Freud called “the narcissism of minor differences.” In its early years, the Dominican Republic struggled to find an identity vis-à-vis its neighbor. Haiti had defeated Napoleon and the most powerful army in the world to end slavery and win its independence; the eastern half of Hispaniola, by comparison, was just another Spanish colony, which took 60 years more to break free.


One thing that set Dominicans apart was a particular concept of race. Nearly everyone on the island of Hispaniola is descended from the West Africans and Central Africans enslaved and brought there to work the island’s once-bountiful plantations. (The native Taino people, who greeted Christopher Columbus there in 1492, were slaughtered in one of the most thorough genocides in human history.) But smaller numbers of slaves and different laws under the Spanish resulted in a higher proportion of people with mixed African and European ancestry than there was on the formerly French side of the island.

In a world where whiteness conferred power, and vice versa, Dominican elites began emphasizing these European roots, contrasting themselves with the more “African” Haitians and downplaying the countries’ many shared cultural influences — Roman Catholicism, Haitian voodoo and Dominican Santeria, music, language, art. Trujillo, who rose to power through a military guard installed by the 1916-24 American occupation, institutionalized that prejudice into a pseudoscientific state racism called antihaitianismo, in which schoolchildren learned the differences between “Dominican” and “Haitian” facial features. (Trujillo himself is said to have powdered his face to look whiter.) Fifty-four years after the dictator’s assassination, most dark-skinned Dominicans still identify themselves by terms such as “indio-oscuro,” or “dark Indian” — an allusion to the murdered Tainos. “Negro” is reserved for haitianos.

This can be confusing for Americans, whose ideas of race go back to the “one-drop rule,” instead of the subtler but no less pernicious Spanish racial caste system. In the Caribbean, race is often as much a question of hairstyle, culture and speech as it is a question of skin color. In that system, being Dominican often comes down primarily to not being Haitian — and thus not being black. Policing that line has taken a lot of violence, sometimes by the law.

Citizenship is at the heart of the current crisis. The Dominican Constitution, like its American counterpart, confers citizenship on anyone born in the country’s territory. But there are technical exceptions for the children of diplomats and anyone who can be said to be “in transit.” For years, and in defiance of multiple rulings by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Dominican authorities have exploited that vague second loophole to refuse papers and passports to anyone of Haitian descent, arguing that even families who have been in the country for generations are “temporary.” Those who have tried to advocate for the rights of Dominico-Haitians to fully integrate into society, such as the late activist Sonia Pierre, have worked under constant surveillance and threats.

In September 2013, the Dominican Constitutional Court moved to settle “La Cuestión Haitiana” for good. In an extraordinary ruling, the justices revoked the citizenship of anyone in the Dominican Republican born to those the court deemed “foreigners in transit” since 1929. More than 200,000 people, nearly all of them Dominico-Haitians, were instantly rendered stateless and eligible for deportation.


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Medina’s government announced a national program — the National Plan for Regularization of Foreigners in Irregular Migratory Situations — that threatened the country’s three-quarters of a million haitianos with deportation. A May 2014 law laid out a program in which those who had lost their citizenship could reapply. As the Haitian-American novelist Edwidge Danticat put it: “It’s as if the United States said, ‘Yes, everybody who has been here since 1930, you have to prove you’re a citizen. You have to go back to the place where you come from to get a birth certificate from there.’ ”

After disorganization and delays, the deadline was set for June 17, 2015. On that day, thousands massed at government offices, some protesting the deportations, others scrambling to get their papers in time. Then the clock struck midnight — and nothing happened.

Why? International pressure may have worked, for a time. Foreign investment is taking a hit. Dominican officials are busy decrying what they call an international conspiracy to discredit their country. Medina, who is up for re-election in 2016, has to walk his own fine line: appearing tough enough to appease right-wing critics in his government without going further than his backers in Washington and Brussels will allow.

But although attention elsewhere has moved on, the threat to hundreds of thousands of people in the Dominican Republic has not gone away. Dominican officials are clear that mass deportations are still planned. Fearing violence, at least 17,000 people with ties to Haiti have chosen to flee the country on their own, provoking fears of yet another humanitarian crisis in Haiti. In a gleefully Orwellian turn, Dominican authorities responded by offering a “free bus service to take migrants to the border.” They say at least 1,000 people have been transported so far.

Presime told me he hasn’t gone to work since the deadline passed for fear of being separated from his daughter. “Immigration could come looking in the middle of the night and surprise us,” he told me by phone. “It is insanity.” For people like him, who have no family or support on the other side of the border, the Dominican Republic is the only home they can imagine. If the bomb does go off, there will be nowhere for them to go.

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/02/m...=article&isLoggedIn=false&pgtype=article&_r=0
 
Hiding Black Behind the Ears: On Dominicans, Blackness, and Haiti

Roberto C. Garcia
The first friend I made in Elizabeth, New Jersey was a white kid named Billy. As a New York transplant my Dominicano  look wasn’t too popular with Jersey folk. I had an afro, wore dress pants, a collared shirt, and black leather shoes with little gold buckles. Most of the kids just wanted to know what my thing was. Billy and I couldn’t have been more different, but we got close pretty quickly. Despite the fact that Billy’s parents wouldn’t allow him over my house, my grandmother allowed me over his. She took one look at Billy’s blonde hair and blue eyes, and at his mother’s middle class American manners, and pronounced their household safe. “Where are you from?” Billy’s mother asked, referring to my grandmother’s heavy accent. “I thought you were black.” On that day I couldn’t have imagined how many times I’d have to answer that question in my lifetime. “We’re Dominican.”
 

A couple years later, when the neighborhood became predominantly Cuban, African American, and Haitian, Billy and his family moved away. My new best friend was black, and his mother wouldn’t let him over my house either, on account of us being “Puerto Rican.” You can imagine our surprise when I returned with a similar story. My grandmother didn’t want me over his house because they were black. We looked each other over. Two skinny round-headed, chocolate brown boys wondering what the hell each other’s families were talking about. As far as we knew, we looked the same. My grandmother was just as black as Tyshaun’s mother and I told her as much every time she chided me about playing with him. What was I missing?
 

My aunt took me to black barbershops for shape-ups and number ones. I spent a lot of time at Marvelous Marvin’s crying as he picked my tender head before cutting it. Friends called me Del Monte because my head was so peasy. Yet my grandmother believed we were something other than what I was living, what I believed we were: black people who spoke Spanish. I was living a distorted Dominican version of Willie Perdomo’s poem “N*-Reecan Blues:”
Hey, Willie. What are you, man? Boricua? Moreno? Que? Are you Black? Puerto Rican?
—I am.
—No, silly. You know what I mean: What are you?
—I am you. You are me. We the same. Can’t you feel our veins drinking the same blood?
—But who said you was a Porta-Reecan?
—Tu no eres Puerto Riqueño, brother.
—Maybe Indian like Gandhi-Indian?
—I thought you was a Black man.
—Is one of your parents white?
—You sure you ain’t a mix of something like Cuban and Chinese?
—Looks like an Arab brother to me.
—Naahh, nah, nah. . .You ain’t no Porty-Reecan.
—I keep tellin’ y’all: That boy is a Black man with an accent.
As I got older I began to recognize the differences between African American culture, Afro-Latino culture, and being black in between. Black being the giant label America puts on anyone darker than a paper bag. I also knew the word Negro well.  I’d heard it my whole life in Spanish. What you mean when you say Negro  depends heavily on the modifier because Latinos call each other Negro  all the time: Negrito lindo  (black and pretty), mi Negro  (my black friend/brother), or maldito Negro  (damned black guy). One thing, however, remained steadfast; my family members never identified themselves as black, and they never spoke about Dominican culture, or Dominican history as having anything to do with Africa. “Tu no eres negro” or “No somos negro,” was repeated over and over by my grand uncles, and my grandmother. They’d use slurs like cocolo, and monokiquillo when referring to African Americans or other people with strong African features. But they referred to themselves and to me as Indio, a term which means of Indigenous descent. You could say I was more than a little confused growing up, but mostly I was angry. I knew what I saw in the mirror and what I experienced out in the world. Other Latinos repeatedly called me cocolo, and white cops often referred to me as darkie and n*.
 

I felt like I was living in a perpetual Twilight Zone episode. I’m black in a country that by all indications hates black people, and I’m descended from people that are black, but pretend not to be black. Like most teenagers, I was too wrapped up in it to see the bigger picture. There was some serious history behind all this un-blackness. And history starts at home.

My grandmother, Altagracia Felicia Garcia, was born in Santiago de los Caballeros, Dominican Republic in 1933. She grew up during the height of Rafael Trujillo’s dictatorship. Trujillo ruled the Dominican Republic for 30 years and his mania knew very few boundaries. He was a virulent racist and rapist. Trujillo ordered the deaths of countless Haitians and dark-skinned Dominicans in a Hitler-style quest to “whiten” the Dominican Republic. Snitches kept their ears open for three things: anybody disrespecting Trujillo or his regime, young beautiful girls for Trujillo to rape, and confirmation of Haitian blood in the family tree of Dominicans so they could be wiped out.
 

Dominicans living in this atmosphere were paranoid. Some wore make up to make their complexions appear whiter, families hid their daughters and/or married them off and sent them to the mountains, or out of the country. People were given to spontaneously praising Trujillo in public so others could hear them. I imagine my grandmother growing up in that country, staring in the mirror everyday, convincing herself she’s not black/Haitian, and probably having to convince others. I imagine she also practiced reciting the word perejil(parsley), even though she could roll her r’s perfectly, just in case she was put to the test. Pronouncing perejil with a French/Creole accent is difficult. The r  sound comes out like a th  or, more commonly, an l  sound. In 1937 Trujillo ordered that all the sugarcane plantation workers along the Dominican/Haitian border be given the parsley test, and those that couldn’t pronounce the word to be murdered, which resulted in a massacre that killed thousands of Haitians and dark-skinned Dominicans.
 

But Dominican anti-blackness goes back even further than Trujillo’s 30-year reign of terror. During the colonial era, Spaniards set up a naming system called las  castas, which translates to caste. Under las  castas  Spaniards stood at the top of the social hierarchy, possessing all manner of wealth, power, and influence. As Spaniards copulated with the indigenous and African slave populations (by rape and sometimes, rarely, by marriage) their children were labeled and placed at a certain level within the hierarchy. For example, the child of an African and a Spaniard would be called a Mulato. The child of an African and a Mulato  would be called aSambo. The child of a Spaniard and an Indigenous person was called a Mestizo, and on and on. (It is important to note that these are zoological terms applicable to animals.) In order to move up in the social hierarchy everyone needed to be something else. The African or Negrowanted to pass as mulato, the mulato  wanted to pass as Spaniard, or Indio, and nobody wanted to be  Negro. Under las castas,  Africans were always at the bottom of the pyramid.

Trujillo built his sick twisted rule on top of casta. He took the manipulative colonial system of psychological conditioning and self-hate that Dominicans internalized and magnified it with the power of 10,000 suns. In Trujillo’s Dominican Republic, denying blackness was life and death. I’ve heard people who grew up in communist countries tell their horror stories. Secret police picked them or friends, or family members up because of an anonymous tip. They were tortured, imprisoned, or killed on the whispered word of some stranger. I think of the generations upon generations of Dominicans living that way, and how the racial/cultural mind asterisk Trujillo created has been passed on in the island’s DNA. I wonder how much of my grandmother’s denial was a self defense mechanism, how much was self hate, and how much was just her carrying out what she was taught. After all those years, what did reality have to become?

My grandmother never spoke about her life during the Trujillo era. She owned a colmado, or a small grocery store in her village. I know this because when we lived in Harlem she also owned acolmado  and she would say grocery stores were in her blood. When her Alzheimer’s started, little bits of her past would come out unexpectedly, and finally my mother told me her story. My grandmother escaped the Dominican Republic after Trujillo was assassinated. Not only was she running from the burning shack, so to speak, she was also fleeing from an abusive husband. He was a tall, blond, honey colored man who owned lots of land, but was quick to use his hands around in bouts of anger.
 

But Altagracia was not having that. She hustled her way to New York City—carrying 20 years of “regime” in her veins.

In 1804 Haiti became the first colony to gain its independence, but independence came at a heavy price. The French repeatedly fought to retake the island, and ultimately forced the Haitian government to agree to a 150 million franc indemnity for the loss of lands and goods. The new Haitian government spread the ideals of freedom from slavery and tyranny. They aided South American revolutionary Simón Bolívar in his efforts to free Colombia and Venezuela from the Spaniards. When the Dominican Republic, which was then the Spanish colony Santo Domingo, defeated Spanish colonialists in a revolt in 1821 they sought to unite the island under Haitian rule. For two decades, Haiti and the Dominican Republic were one country, Spanish Haiti, but the economic yoke around Haiti’s neck made sustained unification impossible. In 1844, in response to extreme taxation, Dominicans rebelled against the Haitians and established the Dominican Republic. You know the old saying; no good deed goes unpunished.
 

Since that time, Haiti has struggled through some form of crushing international debt, economic stagnation, or government corruption. During Trujillo’s rule all these different layers of history, colonialism, racism, mass violence and death, corruption, and Haiti’s perpetual economic hardships cemented a hate/hate relationship between the two countries.

As a child of Dominican immigrants I can say that my grandmother’s people are suffering from serious ignorance. A kind of Stockholm syndrome, the psychological phenomenon that occurs when a victim, having been captured, abused, traumatized or beaten by a captor, begins to sympathize and empathize with that captor, exists within the Dominican Republic. They empathize; sympathize even, with casta, and the legacy of black hatred Trujillo left for them. Recently, the Dominican Republic’s constitutional court passed a law  stripping thousands of Dominicans born of one or more Haitian parents of their citizenship.

The spirit of the law seems to be geared towards deporting illegal Haitian immigrants, however, the fact is that for many born in poor rural and urban areas, documenting births, deaths and when and where their ancestors entered the country is shaky at best. Poverty and fear of deportation makes it difficult for Dominico-Haitians to prove their status. The situation, too, is exacerbated by mob violence. Dominicans are roaming villages and cities grabbing Haitians and dark-skinned Dominicans, brutalizing them. There has been at least one confirmed lynching. Bill Fletcher Jr. recently discussed this issue on The Global African. He noted that advocates of Dominico-Haitians are concerned because “it appears that the mechanism to identify possible deportees will be based off physical appearance. Specifically, dark skinned individuals.”

I’ve read articles expressing outrage over what has been dubbed La Sentencia. Social media is buzzing with links, videos, and heated conversations. I also know that the United States has been conducting similar deportations. In fact, I’d be willing to wager that the Dominican constitutional court took their cue from us. Illegal immigrants and their children, children born and raised in America, have been deported back to their parents’ country of origin. Some of these children don’t even speak the language, usually Spanish. But the US government sent them packing—no questions asked, despite being United States citizens. In 2013, more than 72,000 illegal immigrants with American-born children were deported.
 

It used to be that if you were an illegal immigrant and your child was born in this country, you were given legal residency, and you were given a green card. It appears this is no longer the case.

In his essay, “Encounter on the Seine: Black Meets Brown,” James Baldwin explored differences between American children of African diasporan descent and their colonial cousins; Antiguans, Martiniquais, and St Lucians, to name but three groups. Perhaps the most critical peculiarity Baldwin observed was the African American disconnect from a black nation, the loss of black hegemony, and the resulting psychological trauma.
“The African before him has endured privation, injustice, medieval cruelty; but the African has not yet endured the utter alienation of himself from his people and his past…and he has not, all his life long, ached for acceptance in a culture which pronounced straight hair and white skin the only acceptable beauty.”
Isn’t this a derivative of the Haitian/Dominican struggle? Haiti is strongly tethered to its past, to its identity as a nation comprised of children from Africa, while the Dominican Republic is trying to be anything but. The Dominican idea of identity and beauty and acceptance is rooted in Eurocentric ideas of beauty.
 

My grandmother, our extended family, and Dominicans I know have taught me that changing hearts and minds is difficult work. It takes time, but it also requires revelatory experiences, and forging new memories that can smooth the scar tissue of old traumas. Unfortunately, Haitians and their Dominican-born children don’t have that kind of time. My individual effort at accepting my blackness, my history, and my attempt to build a way forward isn’t helping them. America, and the Civil Rights movement have taught me that I have options.

I can exercise my political power by writing a petition  asking the President of the United States to pressure the Dominican government to ensure that the rights of Dominicans born of Haitian descent are protected. And that Haitians facing legal deportation are not butchered or beaten in the streets. This petition should demand that our President threaten to cut off aid and issue sanctions if the Dominican Republic does not comply.


I can reach out to my local and state representatives and ask them to support  the petition. I can use my social media presence and challenge friends, family, and celebrities to put their names behind it.

I can tell my story. If you’re white, take what you’ve learned from this essay and put your privilege to work. I don’t mean that disrespectfully. If you’re like me, Dominican American, and you love your Dominican grandmother or mother, even though they talk that asterisk you can’t wrap your head around, seek the knowledge and then educate them, whether they like it or not. Start the process of figuring out how the Dominican American experience can help island Dominicans get their lives together. Start the conversations that can actively inform the Afro-Latino experience and the Afro-Caribbean identity. How does the Afro-Latino/Caribbean experience in America mirror the African American experience for you? We need to talk about this. Maybe these conversations will help all Dominicans to be more like our Haitian brothers and sisters, proud to walk black and beautiful under the sun.

Here’s some hard asterisk for people to deal with, especially Latinos. I love bachatasalsa,merengue, rice, and beans. I grew up watching annual reruns of Roots, every episode ofDiff’rent Strokes, dancing along with Michael Jackson, rapping Public Enemy’s lyrics, and I rocked a Gumby and a high-top fade during the late 80’s and throughout the 90’s. Neither one of these loves was or is mutually exclusive of the other. Growing up I identified with—and still do—black culture: arts, music, fashion, everything, because that’s what we looked like, what we are, not African American, but black. This is not to say that there’s some formulaic definition of blackness, or what Amiri Baraka called “a static cultural essence to blacks.” There is not. Neither is blackness that marketable, sellable product or anger Claudia Rankine criticizes Hennessy Youngman for pushing. She writes in Citizen: An American Lyric:
On the bridge between this sellable anger and “the artist”
resides, at times, an actual anger. Youngman in his video
doesn’t address this type of anger: the anger built up
through experience and the quotidian struggles against
dehumanization every brown or black person lives simply
because of skin color.
God forbid blackness should ever be described as Rachel Dolezal. Instead, I think of Aimé Césaire’s Negritude and “…the awareness of being black, the simple acknowledgment of a fact which implies the acceptance of it, a taking charge of one’s destiny as a black man [person], of one’s history and culture.” We must take Negritude beyond the borders of literary movements and make “taking charge” part of our very fabric

.

In high school, I rarely got along with the Dominicans that had just arrived to America. They watched me suspiciously, my slang, and my easygoing nature with black, white, gay, and straight kids. The fact that my best friend was black, and that the rest of my crew was a mix of African American, Cuban, Colombian, Puerto Rican, Filipino, and Ecuadorian, was a big bone of contention for the new arrivals. Something about the way I carried myself troubled mypaisanos  and there was no going back. I was labeled a fake Dominican on multiple occasions, and I relished the role of outcast. My motto: asterisk your racist asterisk. You don’t even know your history.

Perhaps they didn’t understand that America thrusts black or white upon you quickly, and you have to decide, you have to know who and what you are. Life in the Dominican Republic had been too culturally ignorant and insular. Meanwhile in America, some Eurocentric or Castilian Latinos pass for white, but Afro-Latinos are either self-hating or catching hell or both, or just plain confused about who they are. Most of the Dominicans I know have a recognizable African lineage, but too many are quick to claim Latin American status as opposed to Afro-Caribbean identity. But let’s be honest, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, and Haiti aren’t in South or Central America—they’re in the Caribbean. We need to re-examine our historical cultural selves. I agree that race is a construct, but identity is a necessity.
 
 
not racist.... just lacking in compassion and having a one sided perspective...

all those rolling smileys don't hide it either..
Catching up on this thread, it is insane that he is so quick to call others names but is basically doing the same here
Oh wait...so I'm a bigot because I DONT AGREE with Haitians overpopulating a country already lacking in resources for its own people, YET you are NOT a bigot for DISAGREEING with HOMOSEXUALITY...

Is this what you are implying?
Let them live man. Why shouldn't you agree with it? Especially when you consider your family, at some point, moved to THIS country. Like you don't see the hypocrisy?
 
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Catching up on this thread, it is insane that he is so quick to call others names but is basically doing the same here

Let them live man. Why shouldn't you agree with it? Especially when you consider your family, at some point, moved to THIS country. Like you don't see the hypocrisy?

EXACTLY lol
Let me chill before I get banned from this thread too.
 
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