Louis Vuitton opens massive manufacturing factory in Texas VOL. coppin Foreign made in da USA

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Why Your Next Louis Vuitton Bag May Hail From Texas
Matthew Dalton, Justin Clemons for The Wall Street Journal

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© Justin Clemons for The Wall Street Journal
ALVARADO, Texas—Louis Vuitton, the global luxury brand, was born on the cobblestones of Paris. Its future is taking shape in places like the grasslands of northeast Texas.
Where cattle graze, Louis Vuitton has built a 100,000-square-foot factory to make its monogrammed canvas and leather handbags for the American market.
Unlike Louis Vuitton products from France, the Texas bags won’t be produced by “petites mains,” the French artisans at the center of the brand’s history and mystique. Instead, Louis Vuitton is recruiting and training employees locally, no experience needed. Candidates passing drug and manual-dexterity tests can join the line with starting hourly pay of $13.
The gold-and-brown bags, priced at $1,200 and up, will be tagged “Made in the USA.”
Louis Vuitton is positioning itself for a world in which consumer tastes and global trade are in upheaval. That means testing one of the luxury industry’s core tenets—that a luxury product must be made where it was conceived. While competitors such as Gucci, Hermès and Chanel have kept most production in Italy and France, Louis Vuitton is increasingly letting industrial logic and geopolitics govern supply-chain decisions.
“It is an art form to maintain your company values and standards when you start expanding outside your home country,” says Louis Vuitton Chief Executive Michael Burke. “Most companies fail at that.”
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In opening the plant a year before President Trump faces voters again, the firm is stepping into an unfamiliar spotlight. On Thursday, LVMH’s billionaire controlling shareholder, Bernard Arnault, will host Mr. Trump at the plant for a ribbon-cutting ceremony highlighting the president’s trade agenda of pushing corporations to move production to the U.S.
Located 40 miles southwest of Dallas in Johnson County, where Mr. Trump won 70% of the vote, the plant is expected to employ 500, up from its current staff of 150. Louis Vuitton expects to build a second workshop on the property, adding another 500 workers. It began selling Texas-made bags from temporary facilities there in 2017.
The Texas factory gives Louis Vuitton a hedge against the risk of trade disputes between the U.S. and European Union. The Trump administration has placed tariffs on a range of EU products as it seeks to rewrite the rules of global trade.
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Luxury handbags have been spared thus far, but they were collateral damage in trans-Atlantic trade disputes in the 1990s. Since then, U.S. sales have helped power the brand’s owner, LVMH Moët Hennessy Louis Vuitton SE, to record revenues. LVMH doesn’t break out Louis Vuitton’s sales. Analysts estimate its annual revenue at more than $12 billion. Sales at Louis Vuitton’s stores are up double digits this year, Mr. Burke says.
Brands across the industry have long promoted their old-world craftsmanship to justify high prices. Hermès, maker of handbags costing more than $10,000, produces exclusively in France, where one worker oversees a single bag.
Louis Vuitton’s strategy is to sell luxury goods to the masses without lowering prices. It must stay on top of trends in far-flung markets, where consumers increasingly demand customized products. That raises pressure to streamline manufacturing and build an agile supply chain. Eight of its 24 manufacturing facilities are outside France.
It divides bag construction into steps, each performed by small teams of workers. Some teams select and cut leather. Others attach linings or sew together pieces of leather or canvas that form the body.
“It’s not like what you hear, this fiction—the same motions, on the same bag, for an entire life” of the worker, says Louis Vuitton’s Mr. Burke. “That’s really a romantic myth.”
Some Louis Vuitton customers prefer Made in France to Made in the USA, says Lori Matthews, a collector of Louis Vuitton bags who says she owns 15 to 20 bags from the brand. They think the French models are better constructed, she says, but she doesn’t believe it. “People look at these bags, practically under a microscope,” she says of collectors. “Every stitch and every seam.”
At times, Louis Vuitton’s Texas foray has pushed the boundaries of what separates the making of luxury goods from any other product. Two years ago, it set up temporary workshops to train employees and start production. Some early hires recall working through sweltering heat without air conditioning, surrounded by a chain-link fence. “It was literally a sweatshop,” says Amy Wynn, a Louis Vuitton worker in Texas until she says she was fired in August for poor performance, which she disputes. “It was brutally hot.”
A company executive acknowledges there wasn’t air conditioning but says the company brought in fans, declining to comment on Ms. Wynn’s tenure.
Another employee, fired in March—she says she was told it was “for safety concerns”—filed a complaint with the Texas Workplace Commission alleging the lack of air conditioning and other working conditions were a form of discrimination against the Hispanic and female workforce. Louis Vuitton declined to comment on the pending complaint.
“We’re typically not known for unsanitary conditions,” Mr. Burke says.
The company brought in Sébastien Bernard-Granger to oversee manufacturing in Texas and ensure the facilities, including the new plant, met French standards. Working conditions improved, some of the former employees say, as the brand moved into the permanent plant.
Founded in 1854, Louis Vuitton licensed its name to a U.S. manufacturer in the 1970s, later opening workshops in Spain, Romania and Portugal, and another in California in 2011. The far-flung operations let it adapt production to market demand. Inside the workshops, employees rotate through different steps of production and different models, allowing managers to redirect teams quickly to better selling models. That flexibility also allows it to make small batches of uniquely designed handbags, often based on individual consumers’ demands.
“We are moving from a sort of mass market,” says Antonio Belloni, LVMH’s managing director, “to a market of one.”
In January 2017, after meeting Mr. Trump at Trump Tower following the election, Mr. Arnault stepped out of the elevators with Mr. Trump and said Louis Vuitton might build a factory in the Carolinas or Texas.
“And maybe in the Midwest,” Mr. Trump suggested.
Louis Vuitton started negotiating with officials in North Carolina and in Johnson County, where it was eyeing a 260-acre ranch that kept zebras and other wild animals. The nearest town, sparsely populated, has at least five churches lining the highway and a store named Crazy Gun Dealer.
Louis Vuitton chose Johnson County because of its central location in the U.S., direct flights between Dallas and Paris, and direct access to the Port of Houston, where the brand will bring in raw materials, Mr. Burke says. It is also receiving tax incentives and a state pledge to resurface a road to the highway.
It sold most of the animals to zoos, keeping 14 heifers and adding a bull named Michael.
Workers need only a few weeks’ training before starting on a production line. Cindy Keele knew little about Louis Vuitton when she heard it was hiring. Having worked 20 years as a building-services-company administrator, she wanted away from the desk and figured her hobby of making leather saddles and cowboy vests might prove useful.
After 10 months at Louis Vuitton, she helps assemble the Palm Springs bag, which retails at $2,000 and up. “I needed something where I was up and moving,” she says.
The Texas workshop has Louis Vuitton considering a shake-up of its traditional supply chains, Mr. Burke says. For now, it plans to ship in raw materials from European suppliers, but would like to start buying U.S. leather. The challenge, he says, will be to persuade Texas ranchers to stop using barbed-wire fences that scar the cattle: “That typically makes it impossible for us to use the hides.”
He would also like to introduce products made exclusively at the ranch: “I don’t exclude us in the future making boots in Texas.”
Write to Matthew Dalton at Matthew.Dalton@wsj.com
 
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When Brand Trump Met Brand Vuitton
A new workshop in Texas brought the president and the king of luxury together. Is this good or bad for both their brands?


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President Trump at the opening of the new Louis Vuitton Rochambeau Ranch, a 100,000-square-foot workshop in Texas. Michael Burke, the company’s chief executive, is at right.

President Trump at the opening of the new Louis Vuitton Rochambeau Ranch, a 100,000-square-foot workshop in Texas. Michael Burke, the company’s chief executive, is at right.CreditCreditAnna Moneymaker/The New York Times
Vanessa Friedman
By Vanessa Friedman
  • Published Oct. 18, 2019Updated Oct. 19, 2019, 12:48 a.m. ET
On Thursday two of the most powerful brands in politics and high fashion collided in Johnson County, Texas, a rural area about a half-hour’s drive south of Fort Worth.
They met in a blur of pomp, supple leather and mutual appreciation as President Trump joined Bernard Arnault, founder and chairman of LVMH Moët Hennessy Louis Vuitton, the largest luxury group in the world, to cut the symbolic ribbon on a new Louis Vuitton workshop.
Two entourages were there: on one side, Ivanka Trump, Commerce Secretary Wilbur L. Ross Jr., and Labor Secretary Eugene Scalia (among others); on the other, Mr. Arnault’s second son, Alexandre, chief executive of Rimowa (a German luggage brand owned by LVMH), and an assortment of Louis Vuitton executives, including Michael Burke, the C.E.O.
Outside, a herd of 14 Red Angus cattle roamed a nearby field, with a Brahman bull, also named Michael, among them. Inside the 100,000-square-foot building of glass and stone, an oil portrait of the brand’s founder by Alex Katz hung on a wall, next to a poster of George Washington, overlooking rows of shiny white sewing machines and trays of glinting gold handbag hardware. An American flag was displayed next to a French flag next to a Texas flag.
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“This is some place,” said Mr. Trump, standing on a makeshift stage in front of a backdrop studded with spools of thread, like concept art. Earlier he had been given a brief show-and-tell on the workshop, and had gotten to hoist one of the LV monogram bags and to watch an artisan at work. He said Mr. Arnault was an “artist” and a “visionary” who was making a great investment in Texas, and American jobs.
Then he said, “Louis Vuitton” — he pronounced it “VOO-ton” — “a name I know very well. It cost me a lot of money over the years.” Next to him, Mr. Arnault grinned. As jobs were discussed, he gave a thumbs up. Later, the men moved to the blue-and-gold Louis Vuitton ribbon and stood side by side with their scissors, flanked by their teams.


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Flanking Mr. Trump during the Vuitton ribbon cutting ceremony were, from left, Alexandre Arnault, son of the LVMH founder Bernard Arnault and chief executive of its luggage brand Rimowa; Mr. Burke; Mr. Arnault; and Ivanka Trump.

Flanking Mr. Trump during the Vuitton ribbon cutting ceremony were, from left, Alexandre Arnault, son of the LVMH founder Bernard Arnault and chief executive of its luggage brand Rimowa; Mr. Burke; Mr. Arnault; and Ivanka Trump.CreditAnna Moneymaker/The New York Times
It was a potent photo op (even though Mr. Arnault’s shears seemed to get stuck). It was not hard to understand why Mr. Trump had made time to stop by.
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But what was LVMH, which also owns brands such as Dior, Givenchy, Marc Jacobs and Sephora and has numerous American celebrities on its payroll, getting out of it?
Besides becoming the first major fashion group to so publicly align itself with the president, of course. With all the immediate brand equity risks and potential rewards if Mr. Trump wins a second term that implies. Not that the group would put it that way, exactly.
What Mr. Arnault said was: “We are very honored to have the president of the United States coming for the opening.”
He also said: “I am not here to judge his types of policies. I have no political role. I am a business person. I try to tell him what I think for the success of the economy of the country, and the success of what we are doing.”
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In an interview earlier, Mr. Burke noted Mr. Trump was a “democratically elected president,” and if that president wanted to come christen a new workshop, well — “how should we react?” As for the fact that the event just happened to be sandwiched between a re-election fund-raiser and a rally, “we have nothing to do with the timing.”
Whether a claim of being apolitical can survive the optics of the presidential helicopter landing on the newly mowed field of a ranch with “LV” carved into its stone columns, however, is another question. Especially at a time when consumers are increasingly demanding brands stand up, and speak up, for their values.
Risks
“There’s a lot of anger out there right now against the Trump administration,” wrote Shannon Coulter, the founder of #grabyourwallet, the social media campaign to boycott brands financially connected to the Trumps, in an email. “I think Louis Vuitton is about to find out just how much.”
This is probably not the case in Johnson County, where 77.5 percent of the vote went for Mr. Trump in 2016 and where the streets in communities such as Keene were lined with flags for the presidential visit. But, wrote Ms. Coulter (who is not planning a Vuitton boycott), “for many Americans, any brand that chooses to associate itself with the Trump administration is also associating itself with the separation of children from their parents.”
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Indeed, any connection with Mr. Trump and his family has been notoriously complicated for brands, which have been the target of very public consumer ire over their ties with the president and his policies.
In 2016, for example, New Balance suffered when it welcomed Mr. Trump’s victory and the end of the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Later, Home Depot was attacked when it was revealed the company’s chairman was contributing to Mr. Trump’s re-election campaign. Most recently, memberships at Equinox and Soul Cycle were canceled after one of their owners, Stephen Ross, hosted a Trump fund-raiser in the Hamptons.
Yet Mr. Arnault was one of the first fashion power players to meet with Mr. Trump after his election, and after the American fashion industry had spoken up vociferously against him, with designers such as Tom Ford and Derek Lam declaring they would not dress the new first lady.
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Mr. Arnault first met Mr. Trump, he said, in New York in the 1980s, and when the new president invited him to Trump Tower in January 2017, he went, along with his son Alexandre. That was when he and Mr. Trump first discussed his plans to open a new facility in the United States, and Mr. Trump said when that happened, he would go to the opening.


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In early 2017 Mr. Trump, the president-elect at the time, met with Alexandre Arnault, left, and Bernard Arnault, right, at Trump Tower in Manhattan.

In early 2017 Mr. Trump, the president-elect at the time, met with Alexandre Arnault, left, and Bernard Arnault, right, at Trump Tower in Manhattan.CreditKevin Hagen for The New York Times
Mr. Arnault also attended the Trumps’ first state dinner, for President Emmanuel Macron of France — to which Mr. Macron’s wife, Brigitte, wore Louis Vuitton. (Vuitton has become a sort of de facto wardrober to the French first lady.) Melania Trump often chooses Dior, another LVMH brand, for her public appearances.
According to Mr. Burke, Mr. Arnault and Mr. Trump “have regular conversations,” though when asked if they were “friends,” Mr. Arnault looked surprised and said, “No.”
It’s possible, said Charles Day, a leadership adviser with the Boswell Group of psychological management consultants, that Mr. Arnault “is operating in a bubble.”
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“He wouldn’t be the first; the more powerful the leader, the stronger the bubble,” Mr. Day added. “But more likely is that he wants something from the relationship. Maybe tariff related. And his calculation is that LVMH is so vast that it will be difficult for protesters to target.”
Mr. Arnault is no stranger to controversy, having made his name as “the wolf in the cashmere coat” when he scandalized the French business community with his ruthless acquisitions of hallowed family brands in the 1980s and ’90s.


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Bernard Arnault and his wife, Hélène Arnault, at the state dinner for President Emmanuel Macron of France, held by Mr. Trump at the White House in 2018.

Bernard Arnault and his wife, Hélène Arnault, at the state dinner for President Emmanuel Macron of France, held by Mr. Trump at the White House in 2018.CreditLawrence Jackson for The New York Times
He laid the bedrock for the modern luxury industry, and has since softened his public image, inviting the public inside the couture ateliers and Champagne estates of his brands during special “Heritage Days” events, and establishing a contemporary art museum in the Bois de Boulogne — the Fondation Louis Vuitton — which will become a gift to the city of Paris in about 45 years. But he also made news last month when he publicly scolded Greta Thunberg, the young climate activist, for “surrendering completely to catastrophism.”
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He has also long played in the corridors of power. Aside from the current French president, Mr. Macron, he also was close to a previous president, Nicolas Sarkozy, as well as Tony Blair, the former British prime minister. (Mr. Trump asked Mr. Arnault to “say hello to Emmanuel” for him, despite the fact “we have our little disputes every once in a while.”) Yet Mr. Arnault has never been as public about his alignment with Mr. Trump, or that of his most prominent brand, as he was in Texas.
Rewards
Plans for the Texas factory, which is called the Louis Vuitton Rochambeau Ranch after Marshal Jean-Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de Rochambeau, a general who was in charge of the French forces in America during the Revolutionary War, were developed in 2017. Originally, the land was known as the Rockin’ Z Ranch.
Vuitton, which is the most valuable luxury brand in the world according to Forbes, is the largest brand in the LVMH stable of more than 70 fashion, beauty, alcohol and hospitality names. LVMH, which had 2018 revenues of 46.8 billion euros (almost $52 billion), has 754 stores and employs approximately 33,000 people in the United States alone. And it invested $1 billion in the country’s economy last year in salaries, taxes and real estate, according to Mr. Arnault.
There are already two Louis Vuitton workshops in California in San Dimas and Irwin (for the last 30 years, approximately half the bags Vuitton sold in the United States have been made in the United States), and the company has had what Mr. Burke called a “special relationship” with the United States since Georges Vuitton, son of Louis, attended the Chicago World’s Fair in 1893. Company executives had been looking for another American base of operations to satisfy local demand in what is their largest market.
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They considered North Carolina, but chose to buy the approximately 265 acres in Texas instead, in part because of its central location and, they said, coastal accessibility, and in part because of Texas’ history as a leatherworking center. Part of the deal was a 10-year, 75 percent tax abatement of about $91,900 a year, though Mr. Burke said that was immaterial. The county also agreed to widen the local roads, add a roundabout for Vuitton trucks, put in high-speed internet cables and add streetlights.
In return, Vuitton has promised 1,000 jobs; the company signed President Trump’s “Pledge to America’s Workers,” an education and training initiative, the week before the opening. However, currently there were only 150 people employed in Texas (there are another 760 in California) — though that still makes Vuitton the county’s fourth-largest employer. Mr. Burke declined to reveal how much the Texas facility cost, but Mr. Trump announced it in his speech: $50 million (a Vuitton spokesman later confirmed the number).


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Workers watched the ribbon cutting ceremony on Thursday. Vuitton has promised 1,000 jobs for the region.

Workers watched the ribbon cutting ceremony on Thursday. Vuitton has promised 1,000 jobs for the region.CreditAndrew Harnik/Associated Press
While all the raw materials, including the leather, the machinery and even the thread, are imported from Europe, the employees are local and the bags produced — which include the Neverfull, Neonoe and Métis, among others — are labeled “Made in U.S.A.”
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According to Mr. Burke, the company derives no discernible tax benefits from its American handbag production, thanks to the current low-duty environment, though in the case of a trade war between the United States and Europe, that obviously would change.
In his back and forth with reporters during the factory event, Mr. Trump had addressed the same question a little more excitedly: “I can’t tax him, because he moved to the United States,” he said of Mr. Arnault. “He has no tariffs whatsoever, because he’s in the United States. So we’re very happy about that. Very happy.”
On the other hand, Mr. Arnault and LVMH were among the forces driving the mythology of “Made in France” as a factor in brand value, embedded in the high prices of their products. If a bag is made in a French way, but in America and by Americans, does that change the commercial proposition?
Reaction
After the news broke about the Texas workshop, some began to express their dismay about both the idea of their Vuitton bags being made in the United States, and the relationship between the president and the brand.
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Hannah Jones@hannahajoness

https://twitter.com/hannahajoness/status/1183568818083250176

This is a good thing for opening more jobs however the value of a Louis Vuitton bag is going to go down... there’s something that’s supposed to feel luxurious when you buy a high end designer bag that was made in Europe... not Texas
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10:22 PM - Oct 13, 2019
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For now, they are being shrugged off the way Mr. Burke shrugged off original complaints about the factory. “For every one person who complains there are 99 in favor,” he said. He was wearing bespoke cowboy boots he had bought a few years ago in El Paso. “You listen to the 99 percent,” he added.
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“This is about creating jobs,” he said later. “There’s a commonality of interests that is absolutely in keeping with what our overriding social duties are.”
As for whether the special relationship with the White House would continue, he said, that remained to be seen. But later Energy Secretary Rick Perry, who was part of the presidential party, paused briefly before the ceremony to discuss the workshop and Mr. Arnault’s plans with reporters, and announced, “Bernard is awesome.” (Mr. Perry also confirmed his resignation from the administration.)
Mr. Trump seemed equally keen. In his speech, he had mentioned how much he loved the name of the ranch, and the fact it referenced the French general who fought on the side of future President George Washington. The implication being: History repeats itself.
“I could learn something from you about branding,” the current president said.

Vanessa Friedman is The Times's fashion director and chief fashion critic. She was previously the fashion editor of the Financial Times. @VVFriedman

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/18/style/trump-lvmh-texas.html
 
Vast majority of stuff I sell aren’t luxury goods. With the prices lv charges **** should be handmade in France

Wouldn't be surprised if the items are manufactured in the third world with the final assembly being in France. With the Texas factory they're closer to the leather suppliers too.
 
POOR WORKING CONDITIONS AND DISCRIMINATION

At times, Louis Vuitton’s Texas foray has pushed the boundaries of what separates the making of luxury goods from any other product. Two years ago, it set up temporary workshops to train employees and start production. Some early hires recall working through sweltering heat without air conditioning, surrounded by a chain-link fence. “It was literally a sweatshop,” says Amy Wynn, a Louis Vuitton worker in Texas until she says she was fired in August for poor performance, which she disputes. “It was brutally hot.”
A company executive acknowledges there wasn’t air conditioning but says the company brought in fans, declining to comment on Ms. Wynn’s tenure.

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Another employee, fired in March—she says she was told it was “for safety concerns”—filed a complaint with the Texas Workplace Commission alleging the lack of air conditioning and other working conditions were a form of discrimination against the Hispanic and female workforce. Louis Vuitton declined to comment on the pending complaint.
“We’re typically not known for unsanitary conditions,” Mr. Burke says.
The company brought in Sébastien Bernard-Granger to oversee manufacturing in Texas and ensure the facilities, including the new plant, met French standards. Working conditions improved, some of the former employees say, as the brand moved into the permanent plant.
 
lets see if the quality and crafting is on par with the foreign made stuff

good to see a big name luxury brand bring jobs to the US
 
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